The Anglophone Crisis (French: Crise anglophone), also known as the Ambazonia War, is a conflict in the Southern Cameroons region of Cameroon, part of the long-standing Anglophone problem. In September 2017, separatists in the Anglophone territories of Northwest Region and Southwest Region (collectively known as Southern Cameroons) declared the independence of Ambazonia and began fighting against the Government of Cameroon.
- 1 Background
- 2 Prelude
- 3 Timeline
- 4 Strategy
- 5 War crimes
- 6 Humanitarian consequences
- 7 Other consequences
- 8 Reactions
- 9 Notes
- 10 References
The name "Ambazonia" is taken from Ambas Bay and Ambozes, the local name of the mouth of the Wouri River. This is where the English language was permanently established for the first time in Southern Cameroons, when missionary Alfred Saker founded a settlement of freed slaves by Ambas Bay in 1858, which was later renamed Victoria (present-day Limbe). In 1884, the area became the British Ambas Bay Protectorate, with Victoria as its capital. In 1887, Britain ceded the area to the German territory of Kamerun. Germany had some trouble establishing control over the hinterlands of Victoria, and fought the Bafut Wars against local fondoms until 1907.
Following World War I and the Treaty of Versailles, Kamerun was divided between a French and a British League of Nations Mandate. The French mandate was known as Cameroun, and comprised most of the former German territory. The British mandate was an elongated strip of land along the border of Colonial Nigeria, consisting of Northern Cameroons and Southern Cameroons, including the historical Ambas Bay Protectorate. This territory was organized as British Cameroons.
The British administered the territories through indirect rule, allowing native authorities to administer the population according to their own traditions. In 1953, the Southern Cameroons delegation at a conference in London asked for a separate region. The British agreed, and Southern Cameroons became an autonomous region with its capital still at Buea. Elections were held in 1954 and the parliament met on 1 October 1954, with E. M. L. Endeley as Premier.
The United Nations organised a plebiscite in the region on 11 February 1961 which put two alternatives to the people: union with Nigeria or union with Cameroon. The third option, independence, was opposed by the British representative to the UN Trusteeship Council, Sir Andrew Cohen, and as a result was not put. In the plebiscite, 60% of voters in the Northern Cameroons voted for union with Nigeria, while 70% of voters in the Southern Cameroons opted for union with Cameroon. The results owed partly to a fear of domination by much larger Nigeria. Endeley was defeated in elections on 1 February 1959 by John Ngu Foncha.
Southern Cameroons became part of Cameroon on 1 October 1961 as "West Cameroon", with its own prime minister. However, the English-speaking peoples of the Southern Cameroons did not believe that they were fairly treated by the French-speaking government of the country. Then-president Ahmadou Ahidjo feared that Southern Cameroons would secede from the union, taking its natural resources with it. Following a French Cameroon unilateral referendum on 20 May 1972, a new constitution was adopted in Cameroon which replaced the federal state with a unitary state, and also gave more power to the president. Southern Cameroons lost its autonomous status and became the Northwest Region and the Southwest Region of the Republic of Cameroon. Pro-independence groups claimed that this violated the constitution, as the majority of deputies from West Cameroon had to consent in order for constitutional changes to be legitimate. They argued that UN Resolution 1608 was not implemented, and that Southern Cameroons had effectively been annexed by Cameroon.
In a memorandum dated 20 March 1985, Anglophone lawyer and President of the Cameroon Bar Association Fon Gorji Dinka wrote that the Biya government was unconstitutional and announced the former Southern Cameroons should become independent as the Republic of Ambazonia. Dinka was incarcerated the following January without trial. Three years later, he escaped to Nigeria.
In 1993, representatives of Anglophone groups convened the first All Anglophone Conference (AAC1) in Buea. The conference issued the "Buea Declaration", which called for constitutional amendments to restore the 1961 federation. This was followed by the second All Anglophone Conference (AAC2) in Bamenda in 1994. This conference issued the "Bamenda Declaration", which stated that if the federal state was not restored within a reasonable time, Southern Cameroons would declare its independence. The AAC was renamed the Southern Cameroons Peoples Conference (SCPC), and later the Southern Cameroons Peoples Organisation (SCAPO), with the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) as the executive governing body. Younger activists formed the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) in Buea on 28 May 1995. The SCNC sent a delegation, led by John Foncha, to the United Nations, which was received on 1 June 1995 and presented a petition against the 'annexation' of the Southern Cameroons by French Cameroon. This was followed by a signature referendum the same year, which the organisers claim produced a 99% vote in favour of independence with 315,000 people voting.
SCNC activities were routinely disrupted by police. In March 1997, 200 SCNC supporters were arrested for a supposed attack on security forces in Bamenda. In the trials for the 200, Amnesty International and the SCNC found substantive evidence of admissions through torture and force. The raid and trial resulted in a shutdown of SCNC activities. In response to this, in April 1998 a small faction elected Esoka Ndoki Mukete, a high-ranking member of the Social Democratic Front, as the new chair of the SCNC. In October 1999, when many of the 200 were found guilty in the 1997 trial, the faction led by Mukete became more assertive. On 1 October 1999, militants took over Radio Buea to proclaim the independence of Southern Cameroons, but failed to do so before security forces intervened. This was the first major deviation from the traditional nonviolent methods of the separatist movements. The leadership and many members of the SCNC were subsequently arrested. In 2001, the SCNC was officially declared illegal by the Cameroonian authorities, and clashes with the police at a demonstration left several dead.
In 2006, Nigeria ceded the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon, ending a decade-long territorial dispute. Local militias resenting Cameroonian authorities tied their cause to the Ambazonian independence movement, and in November 2007, the "Liberators of the Southern Cameroon People", a previously unknown group, killed 21 Cameroonian soldiers in Bakassi. Most militias in Bakassi laid down their arms in September 2009.
On October 6, 2016, lawyer and teacher trade unions in the Anglophone regions initiated a strike. Led by Barrister Agbor Balla, Fontem Neba, and Tassang Wilfred, they were protesting against the appointment of Francophone judges in the Anglophone regions. They saw this as threatening the common law system in the Anglophone regions, as well as part of the general marginalization of Anglophones. The strikes were supported by peaceful protests in the cities of Bamenda, Buea and Limbe. The activists demanded protection of the law system of the Anglophone regions, and opposed the civil law system used by the Francophone magistrate replacing the common law system. They asked for several laws to be translated into English, and that the common law system should be taught at the University of Buea and the University of Bamenda.
The Cameroonian government deployed security forces to crack down the protests. Protesters were attacked with tear gas, and protesters and lawyers were allegedly assaulted by soldiers. Throughout November 2016, thousands of teachers in the Anglophone regions joined the lawyers' strike. All schools in the Anglophone regions were shut down.
Two weeks into the protests, more than 100 protesters had been arrested, and six were reported dead. Unconfirmed videos released over social media showed various violent scenes, including the beating of protesters by policemen.
In January 2017, the Cameroonian government set up a committee to initiate a dialogue with the lawyer activists. The lawyers refused to talk, demanding that all arrested activists be released before any dialogue. The lawyers submitted a draft for a federal state, and the government responded by banning their movements altogether. The protesters were now openly regarded as a security threat by the Cameroonian government, and more arrests followed. The government also implemented an Internet blockade in cities across the Anglophone regions.
At this point, the crisis began to attract international responses. More than 13,000 Anglophone Cameroonians living in Maryland protested against the Cameroonian government crackdown. On June 27, United States Congressman Anthony G. Brown filed a petition with the United States Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, to call for the government of Cameroon to immediately show concern and solve the ongoing crises. The United States condemned the loss of life and brutality against Anglophone protesters.
The government crackdown on the protests contributed to mainstream separatist movements. In September 2017, Ambazonian separatists began to take up arms against the government.
On September 9, 2017, the Ambazonia Governing Council formally deployed the Ambazonia Defence Forces (ADF) in Southern Cameroons. Benedict Kuah, chief of staff of the AGC under Ayaba Cho Lucas, declared war on the Government of Cameroon and the launching of combat operations to achieve the independence of Ambazonia. The AGC declared,
"The state of war that has been declared on the state of Ambazonia by the illegitimate and brutal colonial Government of La Republique du Cameroun is hereby engaged in self-defense and for the liberation of the Federation of Ambazonia from systematic human rights abuses and illegal annexation without a union treaty."
The same day as the declaration, the ADF carried out its first military action, attacking a military base in Besongabang, Manyu. Three Cameroonian soldiers were killed in the attack, while the ADF commander claimed his soldiers managed to return to base unreduced. Throughout September, separatists carried out two bombings; one targeting security forces in Bamenda, and another targeting police officers. While the first bombing failed, the second injured three policemen. On September 22, Cameroonian soldiers opened fire on protesters, killing at least five and injuring many more.
On October 1, the Interim Government of Ambazonia unilaterally declared the independence of the country, followed by mass demonstrations across the Anglophone regions. The separatists strategically chose this date, as it is the anniversary for the unification of Cameroon and Southern Cameroons. The Cameroonian Army moved into the regions in force to fight the separatists and quell the demonstrations. Throughout the day, at least eight demonstrators were killed in Buea and Bamenda. The Cameroonian military also reinforced the Nigerian border, and on October 9, it claimed to have stopped "hundreds of Nigerian fighters" from crossing into Cameroon.
Throughout November, eight soldiers, at least 14 civilians and five fugitives were confirmed killed due to the conflict. Four soldiers and two policemen were killed in the last week of the month. Separatists killed gendarmes in Bamenda On December 1, the Cameroonian government ordered the evacuation of 16 villages in Manyu ahead of a military offensive, and on December 4 it formally declared war on the separatists. The Cameroonian Army moved into Manyu, retaking two villages on December 7 and securing Mamfe by December 15, partly with elite troops. During the offensive, the ADF carried out guerilla attacks on the Cameroonian Army, killing at least seven soldiers throughout December. On December 18, the Cameroonian Army began to destroy dozens of civilian homes in retaliation, and killed several civilians. The December offensive also saw occasional spillover across the Nigerian border.
By the end of 2017, several separatist militias had emerged, with the ADF standing out as the most prominent one. During the guerilla campaign in Manyu and Mezam, it had clashed with the army 13 times. The separatists had also spread out, and by the end of the year, they were active in five divisions.
2018 started off with a major setback for the separatists. On January 5, members of the Ambazonia Interim Government were detained by Nigerian authorities, which proceeded to hand them over to Cameroon. A total of 69 leaders and activists were extradited to Cameroon and subsequently arrested, including President Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe. Since most of the individuals had submitted asylum claims, the deportation immediately became controversial, as it possibly violated the Nigerian constitution. They spent 10 months at a gendarmerie headquarter, before being transferred to a maximum security prison in Yaoundé. On February 4, it was announced that Dr. Samuel Ikome Sako would become the Acting President of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia, replacing Tabe for the time being.
January saw an escalation in guerilla attacks on symbolic targets, as well as repeated spillover into Nigeria. The separatists began to target traditional village chiefs, as well as local administrators whom they accused of siding with the security forces. Attacks on gendarmes intensified, and gunmen also began to target schools to enforce a school boycott. On February 24, separatists abducted the government's regional representative for social affairs in the Northwest Region, apparently looking to exchange him for imprisoned separatist activists.
On March 3, the Battle of Batibo was fought, producing unprecedented casualties on both sides and forcing over 4,000 locals to flee. On March 20, Cameroonian soldiers freed two Cameroonian and one Tunisian hostage in Meme Department. A similar operation freed seven Swiss, six Cameroonian and five Italian hostages on April 4, prompting the ADF to make clear it did not take hostages nor target foreigners. On April 25, separatists forced the Cameroonian Army to retreat from the town of Belo.
Throughout May, there were heavy clashes in Mbonge and Muyuka, resulting in heavy casualties. On May 20, in an effort to boycott celebrations of Cameroon's National Day, Ambazonian forces struck in several villages throughout Southern Cameroons, including Konye, Batibo and Ekona, and abducted the mayor of the town of Bangem. On May 24, Cameroonian soldiers killed at least 30 people while storming a hotel in Pinyin. By the end of May, Cameroon had also retaken Belo, though fighting continued around the town, which was almost completely abandoned by its inhabitants.
In mid-June, separatists blocked the Buea-Kumba Highway, keeping it blocked for four days. The next day, Ambazonian started a blockade of the Kumba-Buea highway at Ekona, a town located approximately 10 kilometers from Buea. A military assault on the separatists in Ekona failed to lift the blockade. While casualties related to the battle of Ekona remain unconfirmed, the Cameroonian government later declared that more than 40 soldiers and policemen died in the later half of June (however, this figure includes all of Southern Cameroons, not just Ekona). By now, the war had fully extended to Buea, with separatists mounting road blocks and attacking government soldiers on June 29. Attacks in Buea intensified in July, with one invasion on July 1, another on July 9 and another on July 30.
On August 16, separatists attacked a convoy transporting a member of parliament in Babungo, Ngo-Ketunjia Department, killing at least four soldiers. A civilian who got caught in the crossfire also got killed. On August 18, separatists blockaded the Buea-Kumba Highway for a second time by the villages of Mabonji and Ediki, before being pushed back by the army. On August 24, a successful guerilla attack killed two gendarmes and wounded a brigade commander in Zhoa in Wum, Northwest Region. As a response, the Cameroonian Army burned down the village. In Lebialem, the Red Dragon militia fought a major battle with the Cameroonian Army, and captured at least one Toyota Hilux during the fighting.
September saw heavy fighting in Muyuka, where Cameroon launched an offensive. The Cameroonian Army enjoyed some success in weeding out separatist camps. In a particularly lethal raid on September 4, Cameroonian soldiers killed 27 suspected separatists near Zhoa. Another raid on separatist camps near Chomba killed at least 15 separatists. The separatists also had their successes; On September 9, 50 or more separatists successfully carried out three coordinated attacks on multiple targets in Oku, burning down the police station, destroying the Assistant DO's belongings, stealing a police van and abducting three police officers. On September 11, separatists took control of two neighborhoods of Buea, blocking the main entrances to the city and killing a soldier from the Rapid Intervention Battalion. An attempt was also made to abduct the Fon of Buea. On September 27, separatists forced the police and gendarmes to retreat from Balikumbat, Ngo-Ketunjia.
On September 30, in anticipation of the first anniversary of Ambazonia's declaration of independence on October 1, the authorities imposed a 48-hour curfew throughout the Anglophone region. This was done to prevent a reoccurrence of the mass demonstrations that took place the year before. People were forbidden from moving across sub-division boundaries, and gathering of four or more people in public was prohibited. Businesses were shut down and motor parks were closed as well. Meanwhile, in anticipation of the Cameroonian presidential election on October 7, the separatists started enforcing a lockdown of their own, blocking major highways with trees or car wrecks. Throughout the day, security forces and separatists clashed in Buea, Bamenda and other cities.
By October, the conflict had spread to most of Southern Cameroons. The ADF alone had clashed with the army 83 times, separatist militias were now active in 12 divisions, and attacks were now more lethal. According to an International Crisis Group analyst, by October the war had reached a stalemate, with the army being unable to defeat the separatists, while the separatists were not militarily strong enough to expel the army. On October 7, the day of the Cameroonian presidential election, there were clashes all over Southern Cameroons with both sides blaming the other; the Cameroonian government claimed that separatists moved to prevent what they considered a foreign election to take place in the Anglophone regions, while the separatists blamed the government for instigating the violence. This resulted in a very low turnout, as "more than 90 percent of residents" fled violence in some localities; and in many cases no officials showed up to man the polling stations. In Bamenda, at least 20 separatist fighters moved around openly to prevent people from voting. Two separatists were killed by government troops while attacking a polling station. Following the election, two people from Kumba were murdered for having voted. On October 17, SDF President John Fru Ndi's house in Bamenda was set on fire by armed men. On October 23, the Cameroonian Army launched simultaneous attacks on seven or more separatist camps in the Northwest Region, initiating battles that continued for more than 24 hours. At least 30 separatists were killed, as well as an unknown number of Cameroonian soldiers. On October 30, separatist fighters paraded the streets of Buea with a captured armored car.
In the beginning of November, 79 students and four staff members were kidnapped from a school in Nkwen, near Bamenda. All 79 students were released without ransom three days later. The Ambazonia Self-Defence Council claimed that they not only had nothing to do with the kidnappings, but had also sent its own fighters to try to locate the children. November also saw several major confrontations. On November 11, according to the separatists, 13 Cameroonian soldiers and two separatists were killed when separatists carried out a successful ambush. The next day, Cameroonian soldiers ambushed and killed at least 13 suspected separatists in Donga-Mantung, and another 25 near Nkambé the next day. On November 22, around 40 Ambazonian fighters and unarmed civilians were killed in Bali by government soldiers, who then set their corpses on fire. With no trace of bullet wounds on any of the bodies, unconfirmed reports alleged the use of chemicals by the soldiers. On November 28, separatists blocked the Buea-Kumba Highway. Another road block followed on November 30, a blockade that lasted for several days. The month also saw the first major spillover into other parts of Cameroon; On November 29, at least 30 people were kidnapped by ten unidentified gunmen in Bangourain, West Region, and transported with canoes across the Lake Bamendjing reservoir. In Kembong, just south of Mamfe, a military vehicle hit a road bomb; no soldiers died, but the vehicle was destroyed. A month later, two suspected separatists were lynched by the villagers, and the Cameroonian Army launched an offensive nearby. On December 22, Bangourain was attacked once more, prompting the separatists to accuse the government of carrying out a false flag operation to incite Cameroonian Francophones.
December saw more burning of houses by government soldiers in Romajia, Kikiakom and Ekona. On December 15, at least five separatists were summarily executed, possibly by fellow separatists. On December 21, ADF General Ivo Mbah was killed during a military raid in Kumba.
On December 31, the presidents of Cameroon and Ambazonia addressed the ongoing conflict in their end of year speeches. President Paul Biya of Cameroon promised to "neutralize" all separatists who refused to disarm, while emphasizing that anyone who drops their guns can be reintegrated into society. President Samuel Ikome Sako of Ambazonia said that the separatists would switch from a defensive to an offensive strategy in the war, and announced that a Mobile Wing Police would be created to capture territory and defeat government militias. He also condemned anyone engaged in kidnappings of civilians, and promised to fight back against anyone involved in such practices. The same night, separatist fighters attacked the convoy of the Governor of the Northwest Region, injuring at least one government soldier. The Cameroonian Army also announced the killing of Lekeaka Oliver, Field Marshall of the Red Dragon militia, in Lebialem; the killing was denied by the Interim Government of Ambazonia, and was also denied by sources within the Cameroonian Army. Oliver resurfaced in a video a week later, proving that reports of his death were false. In Buea, separatists initiated a ghost town that would last until January 3.
2019 started off with further escalation of the war. On January 6, Anglophone Cameroonians in the diaspora organized protests to mark the first anniversary of the arrest of the Ambazonian leadership. Throughout the day, armed clashes took place in Muyuka, Bafut. Mundum and Mamfe. In Mamfe, two Ambazonian generals were killed when their camps were raided by the Rapid Intervention Batallion. On January 24, General Andrew Ngoe of SOCADEF was killed in Matoh, Mbonge.
January also saw the start of the trials of the Ambazonian leaders, including Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe, who had spent a year in prison. Tabe's lawyer said that his client was ready for direct negotiations on four conditions: That the negotiations took place outside Cameroon, a ceasefire, that all prisoners be released, and a general amnesty. The trial was complicated by all the Ambazonian leaders rejecting their Cameroonian nationality, which the court ultimately ignored. The leaders then refused to be tried by Francophone judges. On March 1, the trial took a diplomatic twist; a Nigerian court determined that the deportation of the Ambazonian leadership had been unconstitutional, and ordered their return to Nigeria. Nevertheless, the trial resumed.
The separatists got bolder with enforcing lockdowns. The same day as the start of the trial, the streets of Buea were almost completely deserted. The mayor of Buea, Patrick Ekema, promised to defeat the ghost towns by January 31, a promise he would ultimately fail to keep. On February 4, in anticipation of Youth Day on February 11, separatists declared a 10-day lockdown, telling people all across the Anglophone regions to stay at home from February 5–14. The lockdown was a matter of controversy among the separatists, with a spokesperson of the Ambazonia Defence Forces arguing that it would be counterproductive. The next day, large parts of Buea were closed down, while armed clashes took place in Muea and Muyuka. Most of Bamenda was also closed down, with smaller clashes taking place. In Muyuka, an Ambazonian Colonel was killed alongside two other separatist fighters. In Mbengwi, two separatists died while attacking the Divisional Office there. As a result of the lockdown, Youth Day celebrations had negligible turnout in Southern Cameroons. In Bamenda, the Governor of Northwest Region, Adolph Lele l’Afrique, was escorted by soldiers to attend a small celebration. The military escort came under fire while driving to the ceremony, possibly resulting in casualties. The celebrations were boycotted in most major cities in the Anglophone regions, including Buea, Kumbo, Belo, Ndop, Ndu, Wum, Muyuka, Mamfe, Tombem, Mundemba and Lebialem, while there was a comparatively significant turnout in Nkambe. As planned, the lockdown ended on February 14.
March saw the death of two Ambazonian generals, including an assistant of Field Marshall Lekeaka Oliver of the Red Dragon militia. There were two serious kidnapping incidents; one on the Kumba-Buea Highway, which was quickly foiled by the Rapid Intervention Battalion,, and one at the University of Buea, where 20 students were kidnapped, beaten and released. The separatists set up several road blocks, including an overnight mission where the Seven Karta militia blocked the Bafut-Bamenda Highway with concrete walls. On March 14, Cameroonian soldiers burned down several houses in Dunga Mantung and Menchum, and killed at least 12 people (several of whom were burned alive).
The Cameroonian Army is fighting a counter-insurgency war, aiming to hit the separatists' support base. This includes burning houses where weapons are found and, according to locals but denied by the army, carrying out revenge attacks. In August 2018, the Defence Minister of Cameroon announced that the army would be expanded with 2,600 new recruits, 2,000 of whom would go to the Rapid Intervention Battalion. The government has also set up rehab centers in Bamenda and Buea to reintegrate surrendered separatists into civil society.
The Ambazonian separatists are fighting a guerilla war. As of June 2018, their weapons were mostly hunting rifles, which are far inferior of the automatic weapons used by the Cameroonian Army. Numerically and materially disadvantaged, the separatists carry out hit-and-run attacks, ambushes and raids. According to the ADF, as of June 2018 there were 1,500 soldiers in the ADF, spread across 20 camps throughout Southern Cameroons. The militias enjoy significant local support, with civilians giving them food, informing them on troop movements, or outright assisting them in carrying out attacks. The Interim Government of Ambazonia has stressed that the war will take place solely within Southern Cameroons, and claims that attacks across the border have been false flag operations by the Cameroonian government.
Unlike the Cameroonian soldiers deployed in the region, the separatists are locals, and are thus more familiar with the terrain. Cameroonian General Melingui stated that the separatists have a leverage over the army when it comes to familiarity with the battleground; "They know the terrain. These are youths from local villages. We try to seek them out but we can't find them. Our men aren't familiar with the forest." Cameroonian authorities have admitted that they have little control over the security situation outside the cities. Journalist Emmanuel Freudenthal, who spent a week with ADF rebels, stated that the separatists control much of the countryside because the infrastructure in Southern Cameroons is so poorly developed, making it hard for the Cameroonian government to access those areas.
Ambazonian Governing Council leader in exile Ayaba Cho Lucas summed up the ADF strategy in the following way: "60% of the GDP of Cameroon is earned in Ambazonia. [...] We must try to raise the cost of the occupation to higher than the profits they get here."
Political, diplomatic and propaganda strategy
According to Millan Atam, chairperson of the Southern Cameroonians Congress of the People, the separatists are building up support for their cause through two distinct phases. The first phase was to build internal capability to resist the Cameroonian Army and raise faith in the cause. Once a significant portion of the population of Southern Cameroons clearly wanted separation, the separatists would approach the international community with their cause.
The Cameroonian government has tried to limit the extent of which the conflict affects everyday life in Southern Cameroons, and portrays the war as a battle between chaos and stability in which the government represents the latter. To this end, local authorities have penalized businesses that respected "ghost towns" declared by the separatists. The government has fired and replaced local administrators who fled from the region, despite their valid fears of kidnappings. In September 2018, the army physically prevented people from fleeing their homes.
In August 2018, Minister of Territorial Administration Atanga Nji made a vague offer of amnesty to separatists who surrender their weapons, saying they would "be received as prodigal sons". The minister also announced a plan to rebuild infrastructure that had been destroyed due to the conflict.
In December 2018, Ambazonia launched the AmbaCoin, a cryptocurrency meant to replace the Central African CFA franc. The separatists hoped that the local population would gradually switch to using the AmbaCoin, circumventing what they consider to be an economic blockade on the Anglophone regions.
Both sides have used WhatsApp to spread propaganda. Cameroonian authorities have arrested journalists on the accusation of propagating false information, the punishment for which is six months to two years in prison.
There is photographic evidence that shows a consistent policy of burning down villages. The army has claimed that the soldiers who were filmed were separatists wearing stolen Cameroonian Army uniforms, a claim that has been denied by local residents. Satellite images show extensive damage to villages. Journalists have been denied entry to the conflict zones, and soldiers have been forbidden from carrying mobile phones.
In August 2018, the Centre for Human Rights and Democracy in Africa published a list of 106 villages that had been raided by government forces since October 2017. Citing eyewitness accounts, videos and photos as evidence, the Centre claimed that 71 of these villages had been completely destroyed and depopulated, while the remaining 34 had been partially deserted.
At the end of 2017, the separatists declared a school boycott, and have attacked and burnt down schools that refused to shut down. Between February 2017 and May 2018, at least 42 schools were targeted. Some separatists consider schools to be legitimate targets because the French language is taught as a mandatory subject. However, the ADF has denied having any connection to attacks on schools, blaming other militias or the government.
Throughout 2017, there were no reports of ADF using violence against civilians. As of October 2018, five such incidents had been reported, though these attacks were for the most part not lethal; one civilian death was attributed to an ADF attack. Other separatist groups had attacked civilians 25 times within the same time frame, and were responsible for 13 civilian deaths. Separatists have also been accused of using schools and churches as military barracks.
In December 2018, Christopher Anu, Communication Secretary of the Ambazonia Interim Government, posted a video online where he asked separatist fighters to attack United Nations targets. This was condemned by the Ambazonia Governing Council.
By January 2018, 15,000 people had fled from Southern Cameroons to Nigeria. This number increased to at least 40,000 people by February. By August 2018, more than 180,000 people had been displaced due to the war.
The conflict has severely harmed the local economy. In June 2018, Cameroon Development Corporation, a state-owned company with 22,000 employees, declared the conflict could lead to the loss of 5,000 jobs on the short term. In July 2018, an NGO reported that the war had caused a 70 percent increase in unemployment in the agricultural sector. The palm oil and cocoa sectors in Southwest Region had taken a severe blow, with state-owned company Pamol abandoning plantations in some areas. The private company Telcar Cocoa reported that the cocoa production had fallen 80 percent. The NGO suggested that companies make deals with the separatists in order to safeguard their facilities. The separatists aim to prevent the Cameroonian state from getting any income from the Anglophone regions, in order to make cost of controlling the region surpass the benefits.
The conflict has triggered an exodus of the Nigerian business community from Southern Cameroons, as well as Nigerian traders who used to run key markets.
Thousands of displaced people have fled to protected areas, endangering the wildlife there.
With the Cameroonian Army concentrating on the Anglophone Crisis, the Boko Haram insurgency in the north of the country became a secondary priority, resulting in an upsurge in militancy by Boko Haram and the Islamic State. The Rapid Intervention Battalion, which was trained and equipped by the United States and Israel to fight Boko Haram, was largely withdrawn from the north to fight in the Anglophone regions.
- The Social Democratic Front, Cameroon's main opposition party, has been strongly critical of the government's handling of the Anglophone Crisis. In January 2019, the party announced it would oppose any future elections in the country while the war is still ongoing. The party supports a negotiated solution to the conflict, and has demanded a ceasefire, the opening of a dialogue, amnesty for everyone jailed because of the crisis, the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission, and decentralization of the country.
- The Cameroon Renaissance Movement blames the government for failing to solve the Anglophone Crisis. On January 26, 2019, supporters of the party invaded the Cameroonian embassy in Paris, citing - among other reasons - the Anglophone Crisis.
Countries and international organizations
- Ambazonian guerillas are often referred to as "Amba Boys", a term used both by pro-government forces and by the separatists themselves.
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